Any agenda that meets fanaticism cannot walk in Congress, says Freixo
BRASÍLIA, DF (FOLHAPRESS) – Newly chosen minority leader in the Chamber of Deputies, Marcelo Freixo (PSOL-RJ) says his role will be to bring together parties that disagree with the government’s absurdities “to stop agendas that meet the” fanaticism “by Jair Bolsonaro. The minority leader represents the party or bloc whose position differs from the majority understanding. In his opinion, it was” tough “and” true message given by the Mayor, Arthur Lira ( PP-AL), when he demanded of the Executive reaction in the fight against the pandemic and signaled that the Congress has “bitter medicines”, some of them “fatal”. The deputy also said that the centão is “trying the impossible” in seeking to insert the Bolsonaro government into the common policy, and criticized the change in command of the Ministry of Defense and the joint resignation of the commanders of the Armed Forces, seen as an attempt by the president to increase interference with the forces. institutions need to react to fanatical demonstrations on the one hand and pay attention to space negotiations on the other ??, he said, in reference to the policy of ?? take it, give it ?? the center. * QUESTION – As mr. do you intend to lead the minority in the Chamber? MARCELO FREIXO – I think we have to guarantee the voice of those who think differently, of those who are opposed. Do not allow them to vote on things that are harmful to the people. I think that the leadership of the minority will have this role of dialoguing a lot with civil society. We may not be a minority in what we think outside Congress. In what sense? MF – I will give a concrete example. In the middle of a pandemic, where we have 3,600 people dying each day, we have passed 300,000 dead, the Bolsonarist base in the National Congress wants to discuss the law of terrorism to actually increase authoritarian power and prevent society from speaking out against the government . I am absolutely sure that the overwhelming of society is against this agenda. How would the minority manage to stop this type of discussion? MF – We need to understand the House. You have a set of parties that is not seen within the minority, but that is also not Bolsonarist and does not agree with the absurdities of the Bolsonaro government. Expanding this minority debate to a group of parties and parliamentarians that are driven by common sense can put us more strongly in there. I am absolutely sure that Cidadania, PSDB and other parties, even within the center … I think we can have more strength than the votes in the minority. In addition to security, would the minority be able to unite parties to stop other conservative agendas? MF – We can reach 4,000 people killed per day. The Congress’ effort is to make Brazilian families suffer less. There is no point in the mayor of Araraquara, who makes a lockdown and manages to have no people dead after so much tragedy, being threatened. It is up to Congress to strengthen the correct criticisms. Any agenda that meets fanaticism, any agenda that meets a political sect that today is defended by the President of the Republic, it cannot walk within the National Congress. This delay is a civilizing delay. This in Congress cannot prosper. We are in a very serious moment, the most serious moment in the history of health in Brazil, the most serious moment in the economy. So it has to be very hard in that sense to have no possibility of advancing agendas … I do not even call for agendas of customs, I call anti-civilization agendas, agendas of retrogression. In this nod to the center, center-right, there was a lot of talk about the formation of a broad front for 2022. Is it a first step? MF – Without a doubt. Brazilian democracy needed to be improved. We had 2013, which was a very important year, where our representation system was questioned a lot. We lacked the capacity to respond to 2013. Instead of improving it, we had a democratic rupture, which was the election of Bolsonaro, who never defended democracy. So when we look at the leadership of the minority today and look at 2022, what we have to do is so that the progressive political forces, responsible and committed to Brazilian democracy can act together in Congress, in the streets and in the elections of 2022. It is a front that has a program and that has the cement that will link these forces to the defense of democracy. Because on the one hand will be those who have no commitment to democracy and to life. On the other side, there must be those who are committed to democracy and life. Alliances that in normal times could not happen will need to happen in order to defeat this civilizing backwardness that is the Bolsonaro government. Would this broad front be possible in the first round already? Would it be a third way in relation to Lula and Bolsonaro? MF – No, I’m not even talking about the third way. I think that on one side is Bolsonaro, the fanatics and those who are responsible for death and hunger. On the other side are all the others, who are with politics and are committed to democracy. And it is this broad front that has to be created. I think we need, very clearly, to make this space of the minority a space of great coexistence and articulation that will make it easier for us in 2022 to have a broad front to defeat Bolsonaro. The central axis of this broad front is the guarantee of the 1988 Constitution. Bolsonaro is a serial killer of the 1988 Constitution, he kills the Constitution every day. You mentioned President Lula. Wouldn’t it be a risk to reissue 2018? MF – I think that Lula, when he ruled, ruled very broadly. I have no doubt that, in keeping with his rights, and I think this is irreversible, he will do the same thing. I think it’s up to Lula to call the society as a whole to debate and the society as a whole to call Lula, call Ciro [Gomes], call all these forces to say which country we have to build to defeat what is on the other side. I think if you take Luciano Huck, Lula, Ciro, center, which are the names that are placed there …[João] Doria. Is there a difference between this field? There’s a lot of difference. But the differences that exist between these projects are much smaller compared to the difference that exists with Bolsonaro. It is this maturity that is very important among us. I want democracy to be able to diverge from others. What I don’t want is something that threatens the possibility that I have the right to differ. Because that’s what Bolsonaro stands for. And then I think the alliances that can be made in the first round are great, and what you can’t do in the second. Democracy exists only so that we can make a difference. Bolsonaro does not live with the difference. He eliminates the difference, like every good authoritarian, like every good dictator. Recently, Congress has raised the tone against the federal government for conducting the pandemic. Like mr. did you see the warning? MF – I have a lot of dialogue with Arthur Lira. Anyone who knows Arthur knows that he has a strong personality and knows that he is not a Bolsonar player. I think Arthur has a power strategy that brought him closer to the Bolsonaro government. I always said that the Congressional election had brought Arthur closer to the government, not the government closer to the Chamber. But the message given by Arthur was very harsh, very strong and those who know it know that it was true. This was not a game. Arthur was not making it difficult to sell the facility. Arthur gives a clear message and a path that he thinks is inevitable, the path of rupture with this Congress. Because Bolsonaro cannot govern without fanatics, it is the result of these fanatics. So when the centão, whose leadership is Arthur, makes an effort to try to have the Bolsonaro government in common politics, in normal politics, he is actually preaching the impossible. This will not happen. And deep down they know that. So I think it’s a matter of time for that speech by Arthur to come true and happen. And what reality would this action be based on? Opening a CPI? MF – It will depend on the size of the crisis and where this crisis is going. And the size of this crisis is what will speed up this rupture. Today I think that impeachment is not on the horizon. But depending on what happens, it can become a reality. I think there is no lack of crime committed by Bolsonaro. There is no lack of reason to vote for impeachment. But, looking at the correlation of forces for voting that is needed within Congress, it is evidently not on the agenda. This may change in the face of the crisis that I consider inevitable to occur between the government and Congress. CPI is a minority right. CPI is not a majority wish. So if you have subscriptions, you have to make it count. How do you see the crisis involving Defense and the Armed Forces? MF – It shows that Bolsonaro does not have any condition of governability. What remains of an attempt at governance is to fit the center in some positions. But this is generating crisis after crisis. The center is on the chair and the sofa waiting for what positions he will occupy, because the Bolsonaro government is a very twisted balance between the center with its practices and the fanaticism of the other. This balance is not possible. So it is a government that is always falling and trying, in that fall, to take Brazilian democracy with it. It is necessary for institutions to react to fanatical demonstrations on the one hand and to be attentive to space negotiations on the other. Do you think about running for governor in 2022? MF – We need to have a political project for Rio. All progressive parties came to me so that I could put my name in 2022. The very [prefeito] Eduardo Paes, himself [ex-presidente da Câmara] Rodrigo Maia. There is a construction of a broad dialogue for us to create a democratic force in Rio de Janeiro. I am putting my name at the disposal of this debate. X-RAY Marcelo Freixo, 53 He is in his first term as federal deputy for PSOL-RJ. He was a state deputy in Rio and ran for mayor of Rio de Janeiro in 2016. He holds a degree in history from UFF (Universidade Federal Fluminense).
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